India has increased its defences along its de facto border with Pakistan in the disputed Kashmir region. The country is concerned about a potential surprise attack by militants inspired by the Palestinian Hamas movement’s successful infiltration of Israel. 
군은 이르면 5월부터 국경 일부 지역을 가로질러 드론 방어 시스템을 구축해 운영할 계획이다. 국경을 항상 감시하려는 움직임은 특히 히말라야를 따라 이웃한 중국 및 파키스탄과의 긴장이 지속됨에 따라 이루어졌습니다.
“The employment of innovative means by Hamas while attacking Israel on October 7, 2023, has raised alarm among security agencies across the world,” an Indian Army spokesperson told 뉴스 위크.
“Requisite measures have been instituted along the Line of Control and International Border Sectors to thwart any such malafide attempts from across the Western Border,” the spokesperson added.
통제선은 핵무장 경쟁국인 인도와 파키스탄을 카슈미르 전역에 걸쳐 나누는 거의 500마일에 달하는 거대한 경계선입니다. 이스라엘과 하마스가 점령한 가자 지구를 분리하는 훨씬 더 작은 40마일 장벽의 경우와 마찬가지로, 통제선은 빈번한 반군의 활동뿐만 아니라 수많은 세간의 이목을 끄는 충돌과 전면전의 현장이었습니다. .
But with Hamas’ shock October assault sparking the deadliest-ever flare-up of Israeli-Palestinian violence that remains ongoing to this day, the spokesperson outlined some of the steps that have been taken to address emergent threats in the stretch Kashmir it administers, officially known as Jammu and Kashmir (J&K), as growing unrest in the Middle East threatens to spill over into South Asia.
“The Indian Army has established robust Counter Infiltration and Terror Grids in J&K in synchronization with other stakeholders,” the Indian Army spokesperson explained.
“Adequate troops are deployed in the grid along with niche technology equipment with the capability to dynamically readjust based on emerging operational situation,” the spokesperson continued. “Technological infusion has been undertaken to counter emerging drone/quadcopter threats, in concert with other stakeholders.”
Security measures in India-administered Kashmir were drastically increased after Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s decision to revoke the region’s semi-autonomous status in August 2019. The move, along with an ensuing crackdown designed to stamp out a decades-long insurgency waged by separatist groups, sparked international controversy, as well as outrage from Pakistan, which saw the move as a unilateral violation of attempts to settle Kashmir’s political status.
그러나 뉴델리는 오랫동안 이슬라마바드가 통제선을 넘어 이슬람주의와 분리주의 의제를 지닌 다양한 민병대를 후원했다고 비난해 왔으며 이제는 파키스탄 관리들이 카슈미르와 팔레스타인의 독립 투쟁을 연결시키려는 노력을 의심스럽게 보고 있습니다.
“Pakistan continues to innovate and adapt its proxy war in J&K to keep the pot boiling and present a disturbed situation in J&K,” the Indian Army spokesperson said. “While so far, there have been no major attempts to link the two issues, the same cannot be ruled out in an attempt by Pakistan to highlight the Kashmir issue in the international fora.”
The two issues do, in fact, share some common roots. The bloody partition that gave birth to the rivalry between the modern nations of India and Pakistan and the territorial dispute that sparked the Israeli-Palestinian conflict both followed the United Kingdom’s withdrawals from colonial holdings in 1947 and 1948, respectively.
뉴델리는 역사적으로 팔레스타인 운동에 동정을 표명하고 1974년 팔레스타인 해방기구를 인정한 최초의 비아랍 국가가 되었지만, 인도는 1992년 공식 관계를 수립한 이후 이스라엘과 정치, 경제, 심지어 안보 관계까지 강화해 왔습니다. 손은 이스라엘을 인정한 적이 없으며 팔레스타인에 대한 지원은 카슈미르 문제와의 공통점으로 인해 강화되었습니다.
In a recent interview with Newsweek, Pakistani Permanent Representative to the United Nations Munir Akram asserted that “the Palestinian cause and Kashmir cause have been intertwined historically, but also because they depend on the same central principle of self-determination.”
The senior Pakistani diplomat argued that “the application of the principle of self-determination, if it succeeds in Palestine, will be a great boost to the application of the principle for Jammu and Kashmir.”
Akram rebuffed India’s accusations that his nation was behind militant activity in Kashmir and instead accused New Delhi of waging its own “hybrid war” through conventional means as well as the backing of non-state actors such as the Tehrik-e-Taliban Pakistan [TTP], also known as the Pakistani Taliban, and Balochi separatists.
이번 결투 비난은 지역 전역에서 무장 활동이 급증하면서 긴장이 고조되는 가운데 나온 것입니다.
Iran and Pakistan, in particular, have suffered a series of deadly attacks by groups pushing ethnic separatist and Islamist agendas, including the Islamic State militant group (ISIS), in recent years, especially since the Afghan Taliban’s takeover over neighbouring Afghanistan.
테헤란과 이슬라마바드는 역사적으로 이 문제에 대해 협력을 모색했지만, 이란이 파키스탄 영토에 있는 자이쉬 알-아들 무장세력의 진지에 대해 미사일 공격을 가했고, 파키스탄군이 발루치 반군 혐의 지역에 대한 공격으로 보복하면서 좌절감이 더욱 커졌습니다. 이란. 이후 양국은 악화된 관계를 개선하기 위해 노력해 왔지만, 호전적인 공격이 계속해서 지역 안보를 약화시키고 있습니다.
At a time when the war in Gaza was also prompting violent ripple effects, with non-state actors aligned with Iran’s “Axis of Resistance” in Lebanon, Iraq, Syria and Yemen opening new fronts, Indian and Pakistani officials have expressed concerns over the potential second-order effects for their own region.
“The security situation in the Middle East has a bearing on overall security situation in the region including India,” the Indian Army spokesperson said.
“The Indian Army remains cognizant of developments in the international security arena including the Middle East and adequate safeguards are put in place,” the spokesperson added, “along with a whole-of-government approach, to meet the emerging challenges.”